Reconstructing Authenticity: Japanese Curry and the Cultural Negotiation of Identity in Ethnic Restaurants: Chapter 1

elieshimaoka
Apr 13
5 min read

Have you heard of the Japanese curry (or Kare)? It’s a mouth-watering, piping hot dish in which vegetables and meat (usually beef) are stewed with spices, served over rice. The dish’s popularity both domestically and internationally is impressive, but what’s more fascinating is the story behind its transformation over time. In this chapter, I will introduce how Japanese curry, originally brought by the British, was adapted and domesticated throughout the decades in Japan.

First, let’s rewind to 19th-century Japan, where the almost three-decades-long sakoku, or the national seclusion policy (1630s - 1850s), was coming to an end. During sakoku, foreign influence was extremely limited by the Tokugawa Shogunate, a political regime that governed Japan throughout this period (the Edo period: 1600-1868). It strictly adhered to an isolationist policy, and trades were only allowed at certain government-controlled ports. However, with the external pressure from other countries to open trade and the internal pressure to modernize, Sakoku has finally ended.

This time period was when curry travelled from the UK to Japan. The British navy, eager to establish trade ties with Japan, arrived at the Japanese port of Uraga. By then, curry had become popular nationwide in the UK—due to the colonization of India, the curry recipe spread across the country. As curry was implemented as a part of soldiers’ meals through the British navy to the Japanese navy, it proved extremely beneficial for strengthening its power: curry was able to provide essential nutrients traditional Japanese meals often lacked, such as thiamine and healthy fats; additionally, the high-calorie nature of the cuisine allowed soldiers to bulk up more easily.*

Though the need for strength and nutrients was the key contributors of the cuisine’s popularity within the navy, curry’s presence spread to the public, thanks to Japan’s shaping of modern identity. At the time curry became a military favorite, imperial countries had become the world’s superpowers. Japan had wanted to join those countries through modernization: considering imperial nations were in the West, the government promoted westernization under the slogan of “fukoku kyohei (enrich the country, strengthen the armed forces)” and “shokusankogyo (increase production and promote industry)”. Curry was surprisingly (or unsurprisingly, since it was brought by the UK) considered to be a Western dish for the locals, and the government operationalized it to raise awareness of the nation’s modernization. This rhetoric is evident because in this time period, the dish was limitedly served in Western-style eateries, or Seiyo-ryori-ya. Only the wealthy could afford dining in these restaurants, highlighting that “Western” meals, including curry, were perceived as sophisticated and luxurious.*

Japan was in the midst of industrialization

Even post-World War 2, the sentiment of admiration for the Western imperial countries remained. A curry commercial from 1965 clearly took advantage of this image that Japanese people believed—a background music inspired by The West Side Story is played while a girl with a western costume in the movie promotes the curry product joyfully. Although The West Side Story does not represent the overly broad idea of “Western culture”, the rhetoric was sufficiently appealing for the Japanese audience, who had limited exposure and view of Western culture. (Clip below)

However, it was only since the economic boom (1950s-1970s) that curry became a national favorite. Namely, the implementation of curry on elementary school lunch menus, and the diffusion of curry roux in local supermarkets have contributed to its popularity. Post-war malnutrition among children was a pressing concern; similar to how curry improved the physique of Japanese soldiers in the 19th century, it became practical in efficiently nourishing children. Additionally, the invention of curry roux, or solid blocks of spice mixture that instantly thickens the curry broth, enabled households to conveniently and affordably cook curry at home.

In the modern day, Japanese curry remains one of the most well-known dishes in Japan. In fact, the dish is called Kare (equivalent to curry in English), while Indian curry is referred to as Indo Kare (The word ‘Indian’ is added to differentiate). These names in themselves reveal how Japanese curry has become mainstream, positioning Indian curry as a nice addition. The once luxurious dish has fully assimilated and localized in Japan to the point that it is now considered cheap eats, with around $7 for a bowl of serving available at local restaurants.

This transformation of Japanese curry’s identity from foreign to local is extremely unique, because many dishes simply remain foreign after being introduced to a new country, albeit changing their forms (Californian rolls are considered Japanese food in the US, though it is an Americanized Japanese dish; similarly, Chicken tikka masala is still associated with Indian qualities in the UK, despite the dish does not exist in India and was evolved in the UK). Poeggel’s theory* of food and social identity explains this phenomenon—a cuisine becomes localized not automatically, but when individuals tie it to their group identity and place. Specifically, she highlights, “When individuals identify themselves according to a local food group, their sustainability values or a place-based identity could be relevant. Identifying these identities as social categories in the group, they perceive to fit in the group and social identification with the local food group occurs.” Hence, even when the cuisine is foreign, like curry, or introduced from a place or culture outside of where the group of individuals live, if they identify it as their “own,” it can become part of a local cuisine. Curry was domesticated because, throughout centuries, Japanese people gradually began identifying the dish as “their own”.

This research on curry sparked curiosity in the relationship between cuisine and its authenticity. When a dish transforms from a foreign to a local one, at what point would the dish be considered “authentic”? Additionally, since I study as a Japanese student in the US, how does the dish’s authenticity affect Japanese restaurant owners’ cultural identity in the US? (Similar to when the Meiji government used Japanese curry to raise awareness of the country’s Westernization, can dishes influence people’s cultural identity?)

In the second chapter of my “Reconstructing Authenticity: Japanese Curry and the Cultural Negotiation of Identity in Ethnic Restaurants”, I will be analyzing my interviews with Japanese restaurants in the US, and how authenticity is interpreted in these spaces. How do owners define authenticity? Is it valued, or do dishes become more adapted to American customers? Are there any obstacle to serving authentic cuisine? I will be answering these questions through knowledge I gained along my research.

Stay tuned!!!

*Introduction to curry by the UK Navy: Lizzie Collingham, Curry: A Tale of Cooks and Conquerors (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 252–53

Naomichi Ishige, The History and Culture of Japanese Food (London: Routledge, 2001), 155–56.

*Curry served in Western-style eateries: Mary Redfern, “Getting to Grips with Knives, Forks and Spoons: Guides to Western-Style Dining for Japanese Audiences, c.1800–1875,” Food and Foodways 22, no. 3 (2014): 150–53, https://doi.org/10.1080/07409710.2014.940244

*Poeggel's theory: Karoline Poeggel, “You Are Where You Eat: A Theoretical Perspective on Why Identity Matters in Local Food Groups,” Frontiers in Sustainable Food Systems 6 (2022): 782556, https://doi.org/10.3389/fsufs.2022.782556